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Sandinistas Conclude They Lost Touch With Populace

March 04, 1990|RICHARD BOUDREAUX and MARJORIE MILLER | TIMES STAFF WRITERS

MANAGUA, Nicaragua — Three hours after the polls closed last Sunday, a Sandinista pollster at party headquarters handed Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega returns from a carefully chosen sample of 55,000 voters that showed him losing the battle for reelection.

Ortega was incredulous. Isn't the trend reversible? he asked.

No, said the pollster, whose pre-election surveys had forecast a Sandinista landslide.

"Wait, there are still more than a million votes to count," insisted Dionisio Marenco, the campaign chief. Huge speakers blared reggae music outside to Sandinista faithful who were waiting for official returns and a midnight celebration.

It was not until after 1 a.m. that Ortega privately admitted his loss, not until 6 a.m. that he conceded to the nation.

The slow, painful dawning of that never-imagined defeat underscored the degree to which the Sandinista National Liberation Front had lost touch with the country it ruled for a decade. In post-election interviews, Sandinista leaders admit they were deceived by their own polls, their own rhetoric and the huge crowds they turned out to their rallies.

"In 10 years, the front adopted the psychology of a party in power," Marenco said. "We were drunk with this idea that everything was OK. . . . We lost our capacity to converse, to listen, to criticize ourselves, the capacity to measure, and the people punished us for that."

Still in shock from the returns, which gave Violeta Barrios de Chamorro and her National Opposition Union (UNO) 55% of the vote, some Sandinista officials admit with unusual candor that it's time to reshape their revolutionary movement as a democratic party.

The Sandinista Front forged its identity in combat, ousting the Somoza dictatorship in a guerrilla war and later building a large army to fight the U.S.-backed Contras. Its full-fledged militants number about 40,000 and respond to a national directorate of nine comandantes.

Some Sandinistas believe this elitist and undemocratic command structure, based on the need for military self-defense, removed the party from political reality and contributed to its electoral defeat.

"We were a guerrilla army," said one high-ranking party official. "We had little time to talk about how to run the country. Everything was war. This army entered a political competition, and we weren't totally prepared."

"Within Sandinismo , we militants became almost a sect. We didn't open up to outsiders," said Daniel Nunez, whose resume reflects the concentration of power. He heads the Sandinista farmers union and belongs to the lawmaking National Assembly and the party's 102-member Sandinista Assembly.

A sign of the leadership's isolation appeared last Tuesday, when the Sandinista Assembly met in an air-conditioned auditorium to analyze the election while thousands of bitter supporters gathered outside. When the session ended, Ortega came out to speak, but most of the other leaders slipped out a back door and drove away in their cars.

In an interview two days before the vote, Ortega acknowledged that some members of his government had become "too bureaucratic." But he insisted that his own style of leadership and politicking put him in "permanent conversation with all sectors of the population." Defeat, he said, was "inconceivable."

The Ortega campaign portrayed revolutionary Nicaragua as different from the rest of Latin America, where incumbents are routinely turned out by voters protesting economic hard times.

Nicaragua's economic devastation was the fault of the Contras, not the Sandinistas, Ortega insisted, and his real opponent was George Bush. Young voters who came of age during the revolution were behind him, he said. Sandinista polls proved it. So did the huge crowds delivered to glitzy Sandinista rallies in state-owned trucks.

Sandinista officials now admit all these assumptions were wrong.

They said they failed to understand the depth of opposition to compulsory military service, which turned the youth vote to Chamorro after she pledged to abolish the draft. Her coalition won in some Managua neighborhoods heavily populated by army personnel.

One presidential aide said the Sandinistas learned too late that some of the 200,000 to 300,000 people who attended their final rally Feb. 21 had come expecting Ortega to announce an end to the draft and left disappointed. He said Ortega weighed such a move but never acted.

"The military service helped us win the war, but it helped UNO win the election," Nunez said.

By massively outspending UNO, distributing thousands of "Daniel for President" T-shirts and caps and plastering his image on billboards across the country, the Sandinistas might have alienated poor voters who viewed the campaign as a waste of money.

"It was a serious mistake for the Sandinistas to overwhelm people with propaganda," said Xabier Gorostiaga, a political analyst close to the Sandinistas. "It created a feeling of arrogance. This country doesn't ever accept arrogance."

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