Advertisement
YOU ARE HERE: LAT HomeCollections

Iran-Contra Issue Haunts GOP Ticket

September 11, 1992|DOYLE McMANUS | TIMES STAFF WRITER

WASHINGTON — Like dogged ghosts from a past that President Bush would rather forget, questions from the Iran-Contra scandal have reappeared in the presidential campaign, reviving once more the issue of Bush's truthfulness about his actions as Ronald Reagan's vice president.

Ever since the scandal erupted almost six years ago, Bush has maintained he was unaware that Reagan was secretly trading weapons to Iran, and that Bush did not realize then-Secretary of State George P. Shultz and then-Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger bitterly opposed the deal.

But the testimony of other high officials has contradicted the key points of Bush's account.

Now Democratic candidate Bill Clinton is seeking to focus public attention on the issue, arguing that more attention should be paid to what he calls Bush's deliberate misrepresentations of his role. "It seems to be that he is not telling the truth about this," Clinton spokesman George Stephanopoulos said Thursday. "I think George Bush has a big credibility problem."

The Clinton attacks are designed not only to create immediate problems for Bush but, indirectly, to help Clinton overcome his own credibility problems, which polls show remain serious. By suggesting that almost all politicians have credibility problems at some time or other, Clinton may persuade undecided voters that questions about his own candor on such things as his draft record should not disqualify him for the presidency.

For the Record
Los Angeles Times Saturday September 12, 1992 Home Edition Part A Page 2 Column 1 Foreign Desk 2 inches; 58 words Type of Material: Correction
Arms for Iran--Because of an editing error, a story in Friday editions erroneously said that President Bush has maintained he was unaware that President Reagan was secretly trading weapons to Iran. In fact, as the same article stated later, Bush has always acknowledged that he knew of the arms sales. But he has said that he was not aware that the weapons were being sold in exchange for the release of American hostages.

If voters decide that neither candidate has a spotless record, says Republican pollster Vince Breglio, they are more likely to base their choice on other issues--most notably, the economy.

Seeking to blunt the Democratic attack, Bush insists that the question is closed. "This seems to me to be just a late smoke screen out of that dead old saw," the President said earlier this week. "I have nothing to explain. I've given every bit of evidence I have to these thousands of investigators. And nobody has suggested that I've done anything wrong at all."

In fact, Democrats and others have long suggested that Bush may have, at the least, made implausible claims of ignorance about the possibly illegal affair.

And Democratic strategists say mournfully that many voters have forgotten what the convoluted, six-year-old scandal was about. (It centered on a secret sale of missiles to Iran intended to win the release of American hostages held in Lebanon; profits from the sale were secretly diverted to support U.S.-backed rebels in Nicaragua known as Contras. Both parts of the deal may have been illegal.)

The crux of the issue of Bush's role is whether he has told the truth about what he knew about the sales to Iran when he was in a position, as vice president, to try to stop them.

Ever since the scandal erupted, Bush has acknowledged that he supported the arms sales at the time. But he has insisted that he did not know that Shultz and Weinberger were bitterly opposed to the deal; if he had known that, he said, he might have opposed the sales, too.

But the testimony of other high officials and the minutes of meetings Bush attended call Bush's assertions into question.

The issue arose again last month, when Walsh released a 1987 State Department memorandum that recorded Weinberger's belief that Bush indeed knew about his objections to the deal.

The author of the memorandum, former State Department official M. Charles Hill, told The Times that he was confident of its accuracy--his first public comment on the issue.

The memorandum recounted a telephone call from Weinberger to Shultz in which the defense secretary reacted in apparent anger to statements Bush made in an interview with the Washington Post.

In the interview, Bush explained his position on the decision to sell missiles to Iran by saying: "If I'd have sat there and heard George Shultz and Cap (Weinberger) express it strongly, maybe I would have had a stronger view. But when you don't know something, it's hard to react. . . . We were not in the loop."

The next day, Weinberger telephoned Shultz, according to the memorandum made at the time by Hill, Shultz's executive assistant.

"VP (Bush) in papers yest(erday) (said) he not exposed to Cap or my arguments on Iran arms," says the memorandum, apparently dictated by Shultz.

"Cap called me (and said) that's terrible. He was on the other side. It's on the record. Why did he say that," the memorandum reads.

Hill, who frequently recorded Shultz's dictated minutes of meetings and telephone conversations, said Wednesday that he was "sure" that the memo is an accurate record of what Shultz said.

Associates of Shultz and Weinberger noted that neither former Cabinet officer has challenged the accuracy of Hill's memo or stepped forward to defend Bush.

Asked why Shultz and Weinberger have been silent, Bush deputy campaign manager Mary Matalin said: "You'll have to ask them."

Advertisement
Los Angeles Times Articles
|
|
|