CAIRO — He appears briefly on TV, not saying much, if anything at all, and then fades into the secrecy and quiet diplomacy that men like him prefer. One day he's in Jerusalem, the next in Gaza, then back to Egypt to whisper in the ear of his boss, President Hosni Mubarak.
Omar Suleiman, the head of Egypt's foreign intelligence service, has been at Mubarak's side through triumph and crisis, including a 1995 ambush on the president's motorcade that killed two security officers. It is this loyalty to an unpopular president whose 26 years in power have been marked by emergency law that may lift Suleiman even higher: He is often mentioned as a possible successor to the frail 80-year-old Mubarak.
Although he prefers tailored suits and smart ties, Suleiman has the military background that has defined Egyptian leaders since Gamal Abdel Nasser seized power in a 1952 coup. The gifted military strategist has years of diplomatic relations with the U.S., Israel and the Arab world, and he's regarded as a pragmatist likely to carry on Egypt's privatization and economic reform.
This balance is important to the West, especially Washington, which annually gives Egypt about $2 billion in military and economic aid.
"Suleiman is a bridge between Egypt's military and security services," said Robert Springborg, an expert on Egypt and director of the London Middle East Institute. "He's in a very critical position. He has his hands on the control of Egyptian politics without having his hands dirty. No one else in the country has that role, and he's also the principal foreign policy guy . . . a diplomat's diplomat."
Those predicting Suleiman may be the next president, however, quickly note one of his biggest obstacles: Mubarak's son, Gamal, a 44-year-old entrepreneur, is also being groomed for the spot.
But Gamal Mubarak has image issues. He has no military credentials, lacks foreign policy experience and he sits in the leadership of the ruling National Democratic Party, largely viewed as driven by special interests and unable to stem inflation to improve the lives of the 45% of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.
NDP policies have led to Egypt's growing economy and rising foreign investment, but many here bristle at the prospect of a Mubarak dynasty involving the president's untested son.
It is difficult to read the bends and curls of Egyptian politics; the NDP is insular, and other voices, including the main opposition Muslim Brotherhood, have little influence.
