Who'll lead in Asia?

China is massively increasing its military spending and modernizing its weapons. It is expanding land, sea, air and space capabilities. It holds unremitting territorial claims on its neighbors Japan, Taiwan and India and in the South China Sea. It is pursuing close and unapologetic relations with the world's most odious regimes. And it doggedly adheres to one-party authoritarian rule at home.

We need to rethink our "hedging" strategy -- relying on China to choose democratic reform and peaceful entry into the international system while we plan for alternative scenarios. What we are hedging against -- the rise of a powerful, undemocratic strategic competitor -- is coming to pass. Our rote appeal for transparency has become a way of not believing our own eyes.

Yes, we can partner with China on common interests, but we cannot conceive of it broadly as a "strategic partner." The gulf between its value systems and objectives and ours is too great. To miss this distinction is to facilitate China's leadership rather than assert our own.

As for style, we require a diplomacy that takes into account the realities of today's Asia. U.S. leadership can no longer see our friends and allies as followers but as full partners. They too are worried about China. But they are also worried about our approach. We cannot allow our leadership to be framed as a choice between American-led security and Chinese-fed prosperity.

It will take time for us to build trust in a new leadership model. It will mean a long-term, multi-administration focus on regional priorities and diplomatic initiatives. It may mean new institutions, such as a global freedom alliance, that supplement the tools currently at our diplomatic disposal. We can manage it, but only with the strategic coherence that comes with accurately defining the challenge.

An Asia without our leadership would be bad for the U.S., but it also would be unfortunate for Asia. The U.S. remains the Asia Pacific's indispensable power. We must lead like it.