Clinton is generally viewed as holding center-right views on Israeli security issues. Although some liberal, pro-Israel activists insist she leans toward those on the dovish side of the dispute, she declared during the primary campaign that the United States could "totally obliterate" Iran if it used a nuclear weapon against Israel.
Jones has separated himself from the Obama playbook on a few issues. In 2007, he warned that setting an arbitrary deadline for removing U.S. troops from Iraq, which would presumably include Obama's campaign call to remove combat units in 16 months, would be "against our national interest."
In other areas, Jones is more in harmony with Obama. He has agreed with the president-elect that the focus on Iraq has distracted from a needed emphasis on Afghanistan.
Clinton hammered Obama during the campaign, saying he exposed his inexperience by calling for high-level talks with Tehran and advocating unilateral U.S. action in Pakistan.
But their differences have narrowed since their rivalry ended, and they now hold similar positions on many issues.
Gates, on the other hand, has indicated significant differences with Obama and with Clinton. He is a believer in missile defense, while Obama has said he favors it only if it proves technically feasible.
Many experts on Russia believe that the Obama administration will slow the deployment of a proposed missile defense system in the Czech Republic and Poland as a means of easing tensions with Moscow.
Although Gates is admired by the Obama team, they differ on nuclear weapons policy, an issue important to the Obama faithful. Gates has endorsed the development of a new generation of nuclear weapon called the Reliable Replacement Warhead. Proponents of nuclear disarmament, including close Obama advisors, believe the U.S. does not need a new warhead.
Still, there has been speculation that Obama's team could accede to Gates' position to reach a more important goal -- Senate passage of the long-stalled Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, an international agreement prohibiting new testing of nuclear weapons. Some centrists argue that accepting the warhead program may be a compromise needed to win over military leaders, nuclear labs and other influential players. Gates has suggested that a replacement warhead could be developed without testing.
On other issues, Gates has not supported Obama's 16-month Iraq troop drawdown plan, and has publicly urged U.S. leaders to brace for a commitment that could last years. Still, Gates has differed from the Bush administration on Iraq troop policy.
Gates' approach to the war in Afghanistan has come under fire from Obama's team, which complains it has relied too heavily on air attacks that result in civilian casualties.
Like Obama, Gates has been eager to engage countries such as Russia. But Gates has been skeptical about diplomatic approaches to Iran.
Gates frequently recounts his experience as a member of the high-level U.S. team that tried to negotiate with Iran after the 1979 revolution. The talks broke down, leading to seizure of the U.S. embassy in Tehran, persuading Gates that hopes of engaging reasonable Iranians might be an illusion.
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paul.richter@latimes.com.
Times staff writer Julian E. Barnes contributed to this report.
