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Afghan election is starting to look like a real race

Candidate Ashraf Ghani is being advised by James Carville, and Abdullah Abdullah is channeling Ahmed Shah Massoud, the slain anti-Taliban warlord, in the presidential campaign.

July 29, 2009|Laura King

KABUL, AFGHANISTAN — "Look, it's really him!" a young woman, swathed in a black scarf, whispered to her seatmate as President Hamid Karzai took to the stage to address the crowd.

Normally, an incumbent president's appearance at a campaign rally in his own capital, especially one held less than a month before he faced a reelection bid, wouldn't be any cause for surprise.

But until late last week, Karzai had stayed almost entirely out of the public eye, leaving the campaigning to aides and surrogates.

At the campaign's outset six weeks ago, Karzai, the country's leader since the fall of the Taliban, looked as if he was going to leave his rivals in the dust.

Suddenly, though, it's starting to look like something of a horse race.

Most analysts still believe that Karzai will receive the largest share of votes when Afghans go to the polls Aug. 20. But unless he can garner more than 50%, the race will go to a runoff.

Karzai's two main competitors, former Cabinet ministers who broke with their onetime boss, have energetically crisscrossed the country in search of votes.

Early last week, they took to the debating stage without Karzai after he bowed out.

And both rivals, Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani, have been hammering away at the theme that it's time for a change, a message that resonates powerfully with a public disillusioned by the painfully slow pace of reconstruction since the U.S. invasion nearly eight years ago and angry about a pervasive culture of corruption.

Even as the campaign has heated up, the Afghan president has been a strangely reclusive figure. On Friday, Karzai finally made his first appearance at a campaign rally in the capital. Until then, the presidential palace had said he was too busy to campaign.

"A month or six weeks ago, I would have said no," said John Dempsey, an elections specialist in Kabul with the U.S. Institute of Peace, referring to the chances of a runoff. "But lately, there have been some indications that opposition will coalesce behind a couple of leading candidates. . . . We might see a serious race."

Because there has been no credible nationwide polling since the start of the campaign last month, the likelihood of that is difficult to gauge.

"There just aren't any numbers!" said political strategist James Carville, who is advising the Ghani campaign, sounding entirely cheerful about the prospect of flying blind.

"There's no polling, no focus groups," Carville, who shot to national prominence as the chief strategist of Bill Clinton's juggernaut-like 1992 presidential bid, said in a telephone interview from the United States. "It's kind of refreshing."

Before the start of the campaign, Obama administration officials were highly critical of Karzai, but the U.S. has adopted a carefully neutral position on the outcome of the vote, voicing hopes only for a free and fair election.

However, Ambassador Karl Eikenberry has made a point of reaching out to both Abdullah and Ghani, hosting each for informal meals and discussions at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul. The embassy says he is in regular contact with Karzai as well.

In late May, a much-cited survey by the International Republican Institute suggested that Karzai's voter support had dropped below 35%. But it also put backing for Abdullah and Ghani in only the single digits: 7% and 3%, respectively.

Both rivals insist that the tide is turning.

Abdullah Abdullah

The motorcade of SUVs, bristling with gunmen wearing traditional wool pakol hats despite the summer heat, careered through the streets of the capital, narrowly missing donkey carts and burka-clad women.

The Abdullah campaign was on the move.

Abdullah, trained as an ophthalmologist, is best known outside the country as the face and voice of the Northern Alliance, which joined forces with the United States to help dislodge the Taliban.

Many Afghans regard the movement's leader, Ahmed Shah Massoud, assassinated two days before the Sept. 11 attacks, as a martyr, and Abdullah has taken up his mantle. Massoud's portraits adorn campaign buses and podiums, and his name is invoked in nearly every speech Abdullah gives.

In daily appearances that have spanned the length and breadth of the country, Abdullah, attired in a fashion-forward version of traditional Afghan dress, has been attract- ing larger and larger crowds. Initially, rallies were fairly small; now the throngs fill stadiums.

In Afghan politics, ethnicity is destiny. Karzai draws much of his support from Pashtuns, the largest ethnic group, which makes him extremely hard to beat.

Abdullah is the son of a Pashtun father and a Tajik mother. But his political identity bears the Tajik stamp, and he has struggled to make headway among Pashtuns.

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