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Iran's supreme leader demands support of clerics

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei warns the leaders of the Shiite Muslim clergy if they embrace Western ideals or oppose President Ahmadinejad's hard-line government, the Islamic Republic could collapse.

October 30, 2010|By Borzou Daragahi, Los Angeles Times
  • An image released by Ayatollah Ali Khameneis website shows him in Qom, where he told Shiite Muslim leaders that if they are unsupportive of the hard-line government, the Islamic Republic could collapse.
An image released by Ayatollah Ali Khameneis website shows him in Qom, where… (AFP/Getty Images )

Reporting from Beirut — Iran's supreme leader wrapped up an unprecedented 10-day visit to the Iranian seminary city of Qom on Friday that was widely seen as an attempt to bolster support among those in a clerical establishment either indifferent or hostile to his conservative agenda.

Iran clergy: An article in the Oct. 30 Section A about Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and reform-minded clergy said an influential cleric, Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, died 40 years ago. He died last year. —

In a series of meetings, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei warned turbaned leaders of the Shiite Muslim clergy to avoid becoming excessively enamored of unorthodox, reformist and Western ideas and too unsupportive of the hard-line government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who has long aroused suspicion among Iran's clerical old guard.

"The enemy had decided to make the antithesis of the revolution here and to turn Qom into a base for counter-revolutionaries," Khamenei told supporters in the city Wednesday, amid saturation media coverage. "They tried to influence the thoughts and emotions of the people of Qom. They assumed they could quell the flame of people's emotions or damp their feelings."

Khamenei, Iran's highest spiritual and political authority and its commander in chief, has long had a frosty relationship with senior clergy in Qom, an important city whose educational establishment has conducted a decades-long flirtation with Western and liberal ideas.

A former president, Khamenei was elevated to his powerful post in 1989 despite lacking the theological qualifications or religious stature of his predecessor, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. Now, in a complicated maneuver that resembles the high ecclesiastical and political intrigue of the medieval papacy, Khamenei is seeking to shore up his own standing by bending skeptical clergymen to submit to his will.

"He's in Qom to say if you want an Islamic Republic, you have to support me," said one analyst in Tehran, who like others interviewed, spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the topic.

Since Khamenei's ascent, an influential — but officially constrained — reform-minded clerical faction close to the teachings of the late Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri has emerged, espousing new ideas about Islam's relationship to democracy and human rights.

Among the movement's political standard-bearers have been former Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi and former parliamentary Speaker Mehdi Karroubi, a mid-ranking cleric, who both lost to Ahmadinejad in last year's disputed presidential elections.

Hard-liners close to the Revolutionary Guard, who consolidated their grip on power in the violent crackdown after the election, have all but excised reformists from the circle of power. In one of his many speeches in Qom, Khamenei controversially referred to postelection protests as a "vaccination" that rid Iran of political and social "microbes," a characterization that many supporters of the opposition found insulting.

Reformist ideas continue to persist in Qom, where dissidents such as Ayatollah Yousef Saanei — who had been an ally of Montazeri, who died 40 years ago — continue to be among the most respected clerics among students even as Ahmadinejad supporters regularly attack them.

In addition, a large group of "quietist" clerics, who generally deride involvement in nitty-gritty politics as being anti-Islam, have steadfastly refused to endorse Ahmadinejad or adopt Khamenei's rhetoric about the election protests. The supreme leader describes them as Western-backed "sedition" aimed at overthrowing the Islamic Republic, established in 1979.

The nonpolitical clerics, along with a group of so-called traditional clerics that includes Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, have given Ahmadinejad and his cohorts the cold shoulder in part because they object to a messianic, evangelical approach to Islam.

In his appearances, Khamenei insisted that if the traditionalists and quietists don't support him, the whole system could collapse.

"Some may say that if theological schools did not become involved in political and challenging issues, then they would not have had so many enemies and would have been more respected than they are today," he told clerics last week. "That is a wrong argument. Never has any group, foundation or valued gathering achieved public respect by isolating itself, separating itself from others and adopting neutral positions."

He added, "If any damage is inflicted on the Islamic system, the clergy … will lose more than anyone else."

So far Khamenei's efforts have not appeared to resonate, analysts say. Although tens of thousands of supporters embraced Khamenei as he arrived in Qom and the clergy received him warmly, there are no signs that the visit has led to a change in political positions.

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