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Joel Rogers

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January 27, 1997 | BOB SIPCHEN, TIMES STAFF WRITER
For all the attention the mainstream media paid Joel Rogers during last year's political hubbub, he might have been standing on a soapbox braying about injustice on Neptune. Sure, the leftist press went a bit ditsy for the new political party that Rogers, one of its founders, calls "the working person's alternative to the Democrats." But Big News largely ignored it. Then, in December, the 10,000-member New Party caught the attention of a decidedly mainstream body: the U.S. Supreme Court.
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NEWS
January 27, 1997 | BOB SIPCHEN, TIMES STAFF WRITER
For all the attention the mainstream media paid Joel Rogers during last year's political hubbub, he might have been standing on a soapbox braying about injustice on Neptune. Sure, the leftist press went a bit ditsy for the new political party that Rogers, one of its founders, calls "the working person's alternative to the Democrats." But Big News largely ignored it. Then, in December, the 10,000-member New Party caught the attention of a decidedly mainstream body: the U.S. Supreme Court.
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BOOKS
September 14, 1986 | P. Phillips, Phillips is a commentator for CBS Spectrum and National Public Radio and author of "Post Conservative America" (Random House). and
NEITHER OF THESE TOMES is destined to be beach-reading material for the all-too-little that remains of summer, 1986. Yet both should interest political aficionados as examples of an emerging literary species of belated attempts by liberals to explain the conservative triumphs of the last two decades while still in some respects minimizing the significance of what happened.
CALIFORNIA | LOCAL
November 29, 2001
Katrina Vanden Heuvel and Joel Rogers see the aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks as a validation of their leftist agenda for a bigger, more powerful and more expensive government ("What's Left? A New Life for Progressivism," Opinion, Nov. 25). I would suggest that on Sept. 11 the federal government, with its $2-trillion budget, millions of employees and countless thousands of laws and regulations, failed to perform its primary responsibility of protecting our borders from an enemy attack.
CALIFORNIA | LOCAL
September 18, 2000 | FREDERICK R. LYNCH, Frederick R. Lynch is a government professor at Claremont McKenna College and the author of "The Diversity Machine: The Drive to Change the White Male Workplace" (Free Press, 1997; Transaction Paperbacks, 2000)
Demographic change and politics are a peculiar mix this year. The political future has been hailed by both Republicans and Democrats as diversity and inclusion, anticipating the Census Bureau's official declaration that California is a "majority minority" state. Behind the rainbow rhetoric, however, campaign strategists still covet the 55% of the electorate who are middle-income, working-class whites, especially in the Midwestern battleground states.
OPINION
February 15, 1987 | CAROL TAVRIS, Carol Tavris, a social psychologist and writer, is a visiting scholar in psychology at UCLA.
Americans have seen too many Westerns. If a man is wearing a white hat, they assume that he is the good guy--never mind that he rides with villains or behaves like them. This lesson was brought home to me sharply at a recent dinner party. One of the guests, a young woman who works for a prestigious magazine, arrived late, breathless and excited. She had just come from an interview with one of the vilest corporate raiders in America, a man I'll identify simply as Bad Guy.
BOOKS
September 14, 1986 | P. Phillips, Phillips is a commentator for CBS Spectrum and National Public Radio and author of "Post Conservative America" (Random House). and
NEITHER OF THESE TOMES is destined to be beach-reading material for the all-too-little that remains of summer, 1986. Yet both should interest political aficionados as examples of an emerging literary species of belated attempts by liberals to explain the conservative triumphs of the last two decades while still in some respects minimizing the significance of what happened.
OPINION
May 28, 2000 | Jacob Heilbrunn, Jacob Heilbrunn is a columnist for the online journal, PoliticalWag.com
When President Bill Clinton mustered support for the China trade bill, one of the first people he turned to was Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan. With Clinton standing beside him during a rare Rose Garden appearance--Fed chairmen usually shun the spotlight to maintain impartiality--Greenspan declared that the bill would have "profound implications" for the world economy.
OPINION
July 11, 1999 | David Kusnet, David Kusnet, chief speech writer for President Bill Clinton from 1992-94, is a visiting fellow at the Economic Policy Institute and the author of "Speaking American: How the Democrats Can Win in the Nineties."
In 1992, Bill Clinton's chief strategist, James Carville, kept saying, "It's the economy, stupid." Carville's phrase has served Clinton well. He was elected, in large part, because of Americans' insecurity after the 1990-91 recession. He won reelection and beat back impeachment because voters appreciated the economy's recovery. But what if, next year, it's the economy, stumbling? Sure, economic insecurity is far from people's minds and from the public debate.
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