March 10, 2013 |
MEXICO CITY - They elected a youthful president, a self-styled defender of democratic principles who promised to bring the country up to 21st century standards. But many Mexicans suspected that an old-fashioned dinosaur heart was beating beneath Enrique Peña Nieto's smartly tailored suits, an inheritance from his Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, whose top-down, quasi-authoritarian rule defined much of Mexico's 20th century history. On Sunday, after 100 days of living under Peña Nieto's rule, the Mexican people have a better idea of the ways in which their 46-year-old president, and his vintage political party, plan to manage the future of the United States' southern neighbor, a country rife with promise and peril.
June 29, 2012
Re "Don't fear a PRI win," Opinion, June 24 Jorge G. Castañeda practically equates the likely triumph of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, in Sunday's presidential election with the ultimate validation of the democratic achievements of the Mexican people. I view the PRI's return another way: the ultimate corroboration of how economic power can impose a candidate despite the democratic aspirations of the Mexican people. David Soto West Hills ALSO: Letters: Fighting polio in Pakistan Letters: A fair deal for online poker Letters: Historical ruling on healthcare
August 4, 2010 |
Mexican President Felipe Calderon on Wednesday delivered an uncommonly blunt and dispiriting assessment of the broad sway held by violent drug traffickers throughout the besieged country. From the "most modest little towns" to major cities, Calderon said, traffickers attack, intimidate and blackmail Mexican citizens as part of an illegal business that goes far beyond the simple transport of narcotics. "Their business is no longer just the traffic of drugs. Their business is to dominate everyone else," Calderon said.
CALIFORNIA | LOCAL
July 3, 2010 |
Tucked away inside of one of Los Angeles' oldest buildings, the artist could be mistaken for a squatter. He sleeps on a ragged piece of carpet. He makes do without a shower. He wears nearly the same clothes every day: a plain T-shirt and worn-out sweat shorts. But around the corner from where he sleeps is Hugo Martinez Tecoatl's masterpiece: an elaborate array of murals vibrantly splashed across 4,000 square feet of space. Aztec gods, bicycles, serpents, marigolds and tributes to Pancho Villa, Benito Juarez and Emiliano Zapata stretch from the hardwood floor up 30- to 40-foot walls and across the ceiling.
May 18, 2007 |
The U.S. Treasury Department on Thursday banned Americans from doing business with six Mexican companies and 12 people it said were fronts for the Sinaloa drug cartel. It said the companies and individuals were involved in the operations of Ismael Zambada, identified as "one of Mexico's most powerful drug kingpins." The department's action also freezes any of their U.S. assets. The Nino Feliz day care center in Culiacan is one of the institutions banned.
August 10, 2003
Re Mexican migratory labor, the U.S. and Mexico have had it both ways for a long time ("Mexican ID a Veiled Bid for Amnesty," Commentary, Aug. 6). Mexico has availed itself of its neighbor's superior economy while evading responsibility for strengthening its own; whole sectors of the U.S. economy depend on this labor influx to keep wage costs down as government largely ignores the legal status of these immigrants. Edward J. Erler and Scot J. Zentner's concerns about security and the potential for abuse in the matricula consular program are well founded.