September 1, 1990 |
Over the next three days, the party that has ruled Mexico for 61 years will attempt to re-invent itself, at least enough to present a new face to voters in next year's congressional elections. The 8,500 delegates to the 14th National Convention of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI from its initials in Spanish, are charged with restoring the party's slipping fortunes.
October 28, 1999 |
On a crisp Saturday morning, hundreds of supporters of Francisco Labastida jammed a pavilion here, shaking green pompoms, jangling cowbells and cheering for the man widely seen as the leading presidential candidate for the world's longest-ruling party. The rally appeared to reflect an outpouring of emotion as Mexico faces a milestone in its young democracy: the first presidential primary of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI. But a closer look at the crowd showed something different.
September 2, 1997 |
President Ernesto Zedillo inaugurated a new, more democratic era in Mexican politics Monday with a passionate appeal to ascendant opposition parties not to derail the country's free-market economic revolution. "For the first time in our history, we can achieve healthy, durable economic growth, along with a full, pluralistic and harmonious democracy," the president declared in his State of the Union address. "This is the opportunity of our generation."
September 3, 1994 |
Vicente Fox, the tough cop of this nation's right, is back. Within days of the federal elections in which his National Action Party (PAN) lost nine of its 39 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, along with making a disappointing showing in the presidential race, Fox announced he was ending his retirement from politics.
June 9, 1992 |
Arguably the most powerful man in Mexico after President Carlos Salinas de Gortari is a slight, bespectacled economist with a French accent and a deliberately low profile. Jose Cordoba Montoya is the president's closest adviser. The press and political pundits alternately refer to him as "a virtual vice president," "a prime minister" and "a combined secretary of state and presidential chief of staff." Or, the Henry A. Kissinger of Mexico.
January 30, 2000 |
With the price of oil surging to unheard-of levels in this petroleum-rich nation, the president was bursting with confidence: "We must prepare ourselves," he declared, for "the historic opportunity to administer abundance." The date was Jan. 7, 1978, crude oil was racing toward an astronomical price of $38.50 a barrel, and Mexico was in a frenzy spending the billions of oil dollars pouring into government coffers.
August 30, 1997 |
The formation last week of a breakaway coalition of Mexican unions signals the profound changes here assailing organized labor, which up to now has been a monolithic but docile pillar of the nation's ruling party.
July 20, 1999 |
First he was lionized as the model Mexican businessman. Then he was demonized as a symbol of the fraud that contributed to the country's bank collapse. Now, from an Australian jail cell, Carlos Cabal Peniche is electrifying Mexicans again, offering tantalizing details about President Ernesto Zedillo's 1994 campaign. Banker Cabal's reports of huge and potentially illegal campaign contributions have added fuel to one of the most intense investigations ever carried out by Mexico's Congress.
October 25, 1995 |
After months of boycotts, walkouts and rancorous debate, Mexico's three main opposition parties finally sat down with the nation's long-ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party on Tuesday, restarting talks that President Ernesto Zedillo has vowed will reform Mexico's authoritarian political system. The opposition party leaders used the renewal session of the National Dialogue on Political Reform to warn that time is running out.
March 6, 1995 |
Even as former Special Prosecutor Mario Ruiz Massieu prepared to face a U.S. magistrate in New Jersey today on customs charges, investigators here were laying the groundwork for his possible extradition on accusations far more serious and bizarre: that he was part of a cover-up as chief investigator in his own brother's murder.