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Regime Change

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OPINION
April 14, 2013
Re "Getting Kim Jong Un's attention," Opinion, April 11 However couched in "let's not reward Pyongyang for bad behavior" terms, that is precisely what Mike Mochizuki and Michael O'Hanlon advocate. They make the tired recommendation of putting pressure on North Korea for internal reform. The Kim regime knows it would not survive any internal reform. Pyongyang will always resort to military brinkmanship to blackmail everyone else into caving in, and the stakes will only grow as its nuclear and missile technologies advance.
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ENTERTAINMENT
February 19, 2014 | By David Horsey
On Jimmy Fallon's first night as host of NBC's "Tonight Show," his first musical guests, the legendary Irish rock band U2, performed their first song perched precariously on the roof of Rockefeller Center with the New York City skyline and a golden dusk shimmering in the background. That moment served dramatic notice that the show had left Burbank far behind. More than four decades ago, when Johnny Carson moved the show west, the Big Apple was looking rotten while Los Angeles had become the entertainment capital of the country.
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WORLD
February 4, 2011 | By Edmund Sanders, Los Angeles Times
Israel likes to call itself an island of democratic stability in a Mideast sea of dictatorships. But now that democratic winds are blowing through the region, Israelis have been reluctant to embrace mounting calls for regime change beyond their border. Even as the U.S. applies pressure on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak to step down, Israel's leaders are urging caution, fearing that free elections in neighboring Arab nations will usher in governments that are more hostile. Simply put, Israel would rather have autocratic friends than democratic enemies.
OPINION
August 29, 2013 | By The Times editorial board
The Obama administration is telegraphing that it will likely take military action to punish the Syrian government, which it accuses of using chemical weapons against civilians. But it won't inflict the damage necessary to drive President Bashar Assad from power. That calibrated response has come in for criticism, but it's preferable to the alternatives of either ignoring an atrocity or embarking on what could be a costly intervention in a civil war. There is no guarantee that the sort of operation the administration is contemplating - the launching of cruise missiles from ships or submarines - will deter Assad from resorting to chemical warfare in the future, though proponents of this response obviously hope that proves to be the case.
OPINION
April 12, 2010 | By Aaron David Miller
Regime change. Generally it's a term and tactic reserved for America's enemies. But what if the Obama administration is developing a more nuanced version for one of the United States' closest allies -- Israel? As the brouhaha between Israel and the United States over settlements and Jerusalem continues to simmer, you have to wonder whether President Obama is focused on changing the behavior of Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, or changing prime ministers instead. The absence of a clear strategy to move the Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations forward, highlighted by the administration's repeated calls for a settlements freeze -- which neither Netanyahu nor his Likud-led right-wing coalition can accept -- raises the question of whether Washington is interested in bringing about a new and more pliable Israeli government.
OPINION
July 11, 2005
Re "Mercenaries, Not Musicians, for Africa," Commentary, July 7 Once in a great while, Max Boot actually makes some sense. The problem of providing aid to Africa is the horribly corrupt supply chain. Foreign aid to Africa mostly makes corrupt leaders more rich and powerful. Less than pennies on the dollar actually reach the people in need, and a better solution is indeed regime change. What Boot failed to point out, however, is that our current administration has wasted our regime change goodwill on Iraq, where it has been futile, instead of Africa, where we actually could have gained world support and done some good.
WORLD
October 2, 2002 | ROBIN WRIGHT and SEBASTIAN ROTELLA, TIMES STAFF WRITERS
The Bush administration has quietly begun planning the transition to a new government in Baghdad, built around a leader emerging from inside Iraq and a foreign military presence flexible enough to meet challenges in the country's three distinct regions, according to senior administration officials. In contrast to military plans that are already on President Bush's desk, the transition planning is still in a very early stage.
WORLD
May 23, 2006 | From Times Wire Services
John R. Bolton, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, said Monday that Iran's leaders could stay in power and improve their ties with Washington if they ended their pursuit of nuclear arms. He later insisted that he had not meant to threaten Tehran with regime change if its leaders failed to do so.
OPINION
June 24, 2009 | Stuart A. Reid, Stuart A. Reid is an assistant editor at Foreign Affairs.
Three days after Iran's disputed presidential election, as protesters took to the streets, President Obama offered a reserved statement: He was "troubled" by the violence but pledged noninterference. On Tuesday, he changed his tone only slightly, condemning the crackdown but neither denouncing the fraudulent election nor openly hoping for regime change. The administration's muted response has increasingly come under attack. How, critics ask, can the U.S.
OPINION
December 1, 2002 | Sandy Tolan, Sandy Tolan, an I.F. Stone Fellow at the Graduate School of Journalism at UC Berkeley, reports frequently on the Middle East. Jason Felch, a student in Tolan's "Politics and Petroleum" class, contributed to this article.
If you want to know what the administration has in mind for Iraq, here's a hint: It has less to do with weapons of mass destruction than with implementing an ambitious U.S. vision to redraw the map of the Middle East. The new map would be drawn with an eye to two main objectives: controlling the flow of oil and ensuring Israel's continued regional military superiority.
OPINION
April 14, 2013
Re "Getting Kim Jong Un's attention," Opinion, April 11 However couched in "let's not reward Pyongyang for bad behavior" terms, that is precisely what Mike Mochizuki and Michael O'Hanlon advocate. They make the tired recommendation of putting pressure on North Korea for internal reform. The Kim regime knows it would not survive any internal reform. Pyongyang will always resort to military brinkmanship to blackmail everyone else into caving in, and the stakes will only grow as its nuclear and missile technologies advance.
OPINION
October 6, 2012
Re "Obama's foreign policy follies," Opinion, Oct. 2 Pinning criticism of George W. Bush's foreign policy coattails on the Obama donkey is a new one for Jonah Goldberg. Iraq's detente with Iran was predestined when Bush enabled the Shiite majority to rule. President Obama failed to openly support the Green Revolution in Iran after its presidential election in 2009 because that regime insisted the CIA was seeking another case of regime change, so Obama did not want to confirm the role of the CIA, as that would encourage a massacre of the Iranian dissidents.
OPINION
July 27, 2012 | By Rajan Menon
Just about everyone who's paying attention agrees that the prospects for a negotiated settlement in Syria are dismal, a consensus that's both depressing and an understatement. Depressing because the killing continues without letup. Between 10,000 and 17,000 people are estimated to have been killed so far, about 200,000 have fled to neighboring countries and more than 1 million are internal refugees. An understatement because the only real peace plan, that of Kofi Annan, the former United Nations secretary-general and now U.N. special envoy to Syria, is in tatters because of incompatible preconditions attached by Bashar Assad's Alawite-minority government and the armed opposition.
OPINION
December 29, 2011 | By Richard Bonin
When Vice President Joe Biden slipped into Baghdad this month to commemorate the end of eight bloody years of war in Iraq, there was one face conspicuously absent from the host of solemn ceremonies and farewell meetings he attended: that of Ahmad Chalabi. The Iraqi politician, who lived in exile before Saddam Hussein's ouster, is shunned by Washington these days. But there has never been a foreigner more crucially involved in a decision by the United States to go to war than Ahmad Chalabi.
NATIONAL
December 12, 2011 | By Maeve Reston, Los Angeles Times
Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney exchanged furious personal criticisms Monday, each accusing the other of gaining financially at the expense of Americans — criticisms usually leveled at the Republican presidential contenders by Democratic opponents. Bristling at Romney's suggestion during a Fox News interview Monday that Gingrich should return $1.6 million in payments that his firm received for advising mortgage giant Freddie Mac, Gingrich slammed Romney's experience heading Bain Capital, a leveraged-buyout firm, for 15 years before becoming governor of Massachusetts.
OPINION
September 6, 2011 | Jonah Goldberg
Since President Obama has been having a rough time lately, let me belatedly congratulate him on his apparently successful policy of regime change in Libya. Initially, I favored a more robust and decisive intervention when Obama seemed to dither, and then I criticized how he ultimately committed the United States to a so-called leading-from-behind strategy. But fair is fair; whatever happens next — a big question — Obama has succeeded in toppling one of the most loathsome creatures on the international stage.
OPINION
October 25, 2006 | MAX BOOT, MAX BOOT is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
NOW THAT WE'VE failed to stop North Korea from going nuclear, it's all the more imperative to prevent Iran, another member of the "axis of evil," from going down the same route. But how? The approach that failed with North Korea -- endless negotiations backed by feeble sanctions and rhetorical bluster -- isn't likely to be any more successful with Iran.
OPINION
July 17, 2011 | Doyle McManus
How do you deal with a genocidal dictator who says he wants to reform? For more than a decade, Sudan has been the quintessential pariah state. Its armed forces carried out a campaign of genocide in Darfur, killing more than 300,000; its president, Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir, has been indicted for crimes against humanity. The Khartoum regime waged a long and unsuccessful war to prevent its non-Arab south from seceding; now that the new nation of South Sudan is independent, the regime is still attacking suspected separatists in areas under its control.
OPINION
July 10, 2011 | DOYLE McMANUS
When pro-democracy demonstrations erupted in Syria this spring, President Obama offered Syrian President Bashar Assad one more chance to embrace reform. "He can lead that transition [to democracy] or get out of the way," Obama said in May. Now, almost two months after Obama's statement, U.S. officials have concluded that their hopes for Assad -- never high in the first place -- were misplaced. The Syrian dictator hasn't led, and he hasn't gotten out of the way. Instead, he has tried to wear down the opposition with a combination of fierce repression and sporadic tolerance.
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