January 5, 2000 |
Enough with this talk of millennia. Let's go back to taking things one year at a time. That's especially wise for Asia and for the American role there. A year is time enough for six separatist rebellions in Indonesia, five North Korean extortions, four Japanese governments, three Hong Kong court rulings pledging subservience to China, two Chinese political crackdowns and one (short-lived) Chinese opening--not to mention half a dozen switches in Asia policy by the Clinton administration.
December 12, 1999 |
Despite its aversion to nuclear weapons, Japan allowed more American nuclear weapons on its territory during the 1950s and '60s than officials of either country have publicly acknowledged, according to declassified U.S. government documents. Nuclear weapons for U.S.
August 25, 1999 |
Don't look now but Japan is developing a more independent military capability just in case its alliance with the United States should someday fall apart. That is the blunt conclusion drawn by the U.S. intelligence community in two reports over the last three months. These soberly written studies say that Japan is now "hedging its bets" by strengthening its security ties to the United States while preparing for a time when Japan may stand on its own.
May 5, 1999 |
No one paid much attention to Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi's visit here this week-except, undoubtedly, the Chinese and the Russians. Obuchi's trip demonstrated to them how the United States is attempting to redesign its old Cold War alliances for the future-not just in Europe, where NATO is fighting a new kind of war, but also in Asia, where America and Japan are quietly establishing new sorts of military links.
May 2, 1999 |
When Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan meets with President Clinton in Washington on Monday, the two leaders will be trying to shore up the most important relationship in the world. That may sound like overstatement when war in Kosovo and tensions with China top the news. But the immediate fate of the U.S. and world economies and the long-term fate of Asia--the unification of Korea, the emergence of China--depend on how America and Japan handle their changing relationship.
April 27, 1999 |
Japan's lower house of parliament approved long-awaited legislation today that spells out how this nation will assist U.S military forces in case conflict breaks out in its neighborhood. The guidelines for U.S.-Japan defense cooperation do not require Japan to change its "no war" constitution or to fight unless directly attacked.
March 22, 1999 |
When North Korea launched a crude satellite-bearing rocket in August, it was not just a remarkable technological achievement by one of the world's poorest and most isolated nations. The test-firing of the multistage ballistic missile, which disintegrated over the north Pacific, created a political and military fallout that stretched from Tokyo to Washington to Beijing.
February 27, 1999 |
Behind a veil of deference, praise and joviality, the United States on Friday delivered a needle-sharp message to Japan: Your economy is deteriorating and you need to step up your game, for the good of Japan, Asia and the world. "Prospects for Japan look worse than they did a few months ago," Lawrence H. Summers, deputy Treasury secretary, told a packed news conference in Tokyo.
January 15, 1999 |
Amid rising political tensions on the Korean peninsula, Defense Secretary William S. Cohen urged Japanese leaders Thursday to get parliament moving on guidelines that would enable Japan to back up the United States in military conflicts in the Asia-Pacific region. But long-stalled action on the guidelines--which were signed by the two countries in September 1997 but still require approval by parliament--is no slam-dunk.