October 12, 1996 |
She appeared as tiny as a 12-year-old, with a quivering, girlish voice. But Commander Ramona sent a powerful message Friday as the black-masked Indian woman became the first leader of the Zapatista rebels to take their campaign to the nation's capital. "I come from the mountains of southeast Mexico--from the Zapatista rebel mountains--to bring you all a message," she said to a cheering Indian conference here.
May 16, 1995 |
As government and Zapatista National Liberation Army delegates reported a preliminary agreement Monday in talks aimed at easing tensions in the southernmost state of Chiapas, smaller-scale negotiations were taking place in dozens of jungle villages like this one that have been split by the 17-month rebellion.
March 4, 1994 |
As rebel delegates headed back to the jungle Thursday to present the peace agreement they negotiated with the government to their communities, the effects of the pact were beginning to ripple through Mexican politics. The likelihood of a peaceful end to the conflict that began Jan. 1 is another rabbit pulled out of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari's top hat. His six-year term may not end in disaster after all. But the magician could pay a high price for this last trick.
February 3, 1994 |
State Department officials acknowledged on Wednesday that "some human rights abuses may have occurred" after last month's peasant uprising in Mexico, but they asserted that President Carlos Salinas de Gortari responded in "a forthcoming and responsible way." In the Clinton Administration's first public testimony on the insurrection in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas, officials said they had been assured that those found guilty of abuses will be punished.
April 28, 1995 |
Along one edge of the square negotiating table sat ski-masked Maya Indians, half of them in ceremonial regalia of woolen tunics and beribboned straw hats. Facing them across the room were highly trained Mexican technocrats, among them Marco Antonio Bernal, a veteran of government social programs, and prominent diplomat Gustavo Iruegas, experienced in finding common ground for different views.
September 4, 1996 |
Amid official disclosures that Mexico's new ultra-leftist rebels are "urban terrorists" who may have financed an arsenal of modern assault weapons with tens of millions of dollars from a kidnapping ransom, the Mexican government wrestled Tuesday with a new setback in its effort to bring peace to the impoverished countryside.
April 24, 1995 |
Rebel negotiators reacted angrily Sunday to a government proposal that easing of tensions in the troubled southern state of Chiapas consist of gathering armed guerrillas into three camps. But they agreed to present the idea to their supporters. The government plan contrasted sharply with a detailed, 20-point rebel proposal. "We feel that the government delegates want to talk not about peace, but about surrender," Commander Tacho, coordinator of the ski-masked rebel delegation, told reporters.
April 22, 1995 |
Clearing the way for the start of peace talks between the government and the Zapatista National Liberation Army, hundreds of rebel supporters left the negotiation site Friday night, driven away by a severe thunderstorm and the pleas of their leaders. After the village center was cleared, eight ski-masked rebel delegates to the talks told an open-air news conference that they had asked community coordinators to take their townspeople home.
May 17, 1994 |
Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, the opposition standard-bearer, has become the first Mexican presidential candidate to meet with leaders of the Chiapas Indian uprising on their own turf--a decision that supporters acknowledged Monday was risky for his already flagging campaign. In this town at the edge of guerrilla-held territory, Cardenas stood on an open-air platform Sunday afternoon with the armed, masked leaders of the Zapatista National Liberation Army.
March 25, 2001 |
Subcommander Marcos, in an interview published Saturday, said the Zapatistas are ready to give up their military character in favor of the political process. "The movement has no future if its future is military," Marcos told Nobel Prize-winning author Gabriel Garcia Marquez and Colombian editor Roberto Pombo of Cambio magazine. "If the [Zapatista National Liberation Army] remains as an armed military structure, it will fail.